Soon before
soonbefore
The story begins with an
American
Dialect Society posting by Alison Murie on 5/18/05. Murie
found the
soon before in
"...security official said in an interview soon before the transfer of
sovereignty that..." (Seymour Hersh,
Chain
of Command, pp. 355-6) to be very odd, adding that she would
have expected
shortly before
here. Others agreed, though I myself found no problem with
soon before.
Google web searches quickly turned up a huge disparity between
(infrequent)
soon before and
(very frequent)
soon after,
an unsurprising difference given
OED2's
definition of
soon as "within
a short time (after a particular point of time specified or implied)",
which has afterness as well as shortness in it (plus a reference
point). Those (like me) who accept
soon before are innovators who have
extended the meaning of
soon
by dropping the afterness component.
Then it turned out that the disparity between
soon before and
soon after essentially disappears
when we look at
how soon before
and
how soon after.
From the Google figures and preliminary judgment collection, it appears
that there are three varieties: one without
soon before, one with
soon before only when modified by
how, and one with
soon before generally. I'll
speculate about how the intermediate variety might have arisen.
Finally, later discussion on ADS-L suggested that acceptability
judgments on
soon before
might be like acceptability judgments on positive
anymore (as in
Gas is expensive anymore), in that
these judgments are sometimes unreliable. I'll argue that the two
situations aren't parallel, and that judgments on positive
anymore aren't chaotic or generally
unreliable.
The examples in question are ones like like following:
(1) Soon before, soon not modified by how:
an interview soon before the transfer of sovereignty
an interview soon before sovereignty was transferred
They met soon before midnight.
(2)
Soon
after, soon
not modified by how:
an interview soon after the transfer of sovereignty
an interview soon after sovereignty was transferred
They met soon after midnight.
(3)
Soon
before, soon
modified by how:
How soon before the transfer of sovereignty was he interviewed?
How soon before sovereignty was transferred did it happen?
How soon before midnight did they meet?
(4)
Soon
after, soon
modified by how:
How soon after the transfer of sovereignty was he interviewed?
How soon after sovereignty was transferred did it happen?
How soon after midnight did they meet?
In what follows, I'll assume that types (2) and (4) are generally
acceptable; the meaning of
soon
is entirely compatible with the meaning of
after. It's types (1) and (3)
that we're interested in.
Now, the raw Google web hits:
"soon before" -how
|
31,900
|
"how soon before"
|
20,300
|
"shortly before"
|
2,960,000
|
"soon after" -how
|
2,670,000
|
"how soon after"
|
86,400
|
"shortly after"
|
11,400,000
|
after/before
ratio
|
83.70
|
after/before
ratio |
4.25
|
after/before
ratio |
3.85
|
"very soon before"
|
3,900
|
"very soon after"
|
187,000
|
after/before
ratio |
47.95
|
In the left column of the first table, we see the gross disparity
between
soon before and
soon after when
soon isn't modified by
how, a disparity reproduced in the
second table for modification by
very.
By themselves, these figures suggest a general disfavoring of
soon before, which is entirely
consonant with its being an innovative combination. Still, the
numbers for
soon before
aren't tiny; my variety is well represented.
The center column of the first table has the surprise: under
modification of
soon by
how, the disparity between
before and
after essentially disappears,
falling almost to the level of
shortly
before vs.
shortly after,
where
after is favored over
before, though not hugely. It
looks like there are rather a lot of people who use
how soon before, but little or no
soon before otherwise.
This impression is borne out by preliminary (and still unsystematic)
collections of judgments. So far most informants fall clearly
into three types: full innovators, those who accept
soon before generally, in examples
(1) and (3); partial innovators, those who accept
how soon before (in (3)) but not
otherwise (as in (1)); and conservatives, who reject
soon before, in both (1) and (3).
Where do the partial innovators come from? Their comments on
examples like (3) are telling. How else would you say it, they
ask? For
soon before in
(1), these informants offer paraphrases with other adverbs denoting
short duration:
shortly before,
just before,
right before. But these
adverbs either resist modification by
how
(
shortly: ?
how shortly before/after) or reject
it entirely (
just and
right: *
how just/right before/after).
There are adverbs that are fine modified by
how --
long and
much, as in
how much/long before/after -- but
these lack the semantic component of short duration. Short of
recasting the question thoroughly, there's no way to package short
duration into a
how
question. That is,
how soon
before fills an expressive gap. Even if you won't go all
the way to (1), you might be willing to go as far as (3). Yes,
this is all highly speculative.
In further discussion on ADS-L (5/19/05), Ron Butters suggested that
soon before might be like positive
anymore, in that informants'
judgments are unreliable, not always in accord with their
practice. But the two situations aren't parallel: a great many
positive
anymore speakers
have been confronted with criticism or correction from others -- the
feature has even made it into some usage manuals, as a regional variant
to be avoided in formal writing -- while
soon before seems to have escaped
notice. Nothing confounds acceptability judgments quite so much
as explicit regulation, so that it's scarcely a surprise that some
people who use positive
anymore
claim not to. (Lots of people who use restrictive relative
which -- E. B. White and Jacques
Barzun, for example --
claim
not to, after all.) For
soon
before, there is no explicit regulation and no reason to treat
informant judgments as any more suspect than informant judgments on
other unregulated features.
In any case, informant judgments on positive
anymore aren't simply a
morass. Some people don't use positive
anymore and report, accurately,
that they don't. Some people use positive
anymore and have escaped explicit
regulation or failed to attend to it, and they report, accurately, that
they use it (and where they use it). Alas, some people are
unreliable judges. But that's no reason to throw everybody out;
our task is to figure out who's who.
There is one way in which
soon before
probably is like positive
anymore:
it's not simply a matter of having the feature or not having it.
Instead, the feature is allowed or prohibited, favored or disfavored,
in certain contexts, and the details of these distributions differ from
speaker to speaker. That's the way variation works.
zwicky at-sign csli period stanford period edu
Posted by Arnold Zwicky at May 30, 2005 08:11 PM